FOLK SONGS OF THE MISINGS- Part I

FOLK SONGS OF THE MISINGS- Part I

The Misings have been living in the plains of Assam in the midst of non-Mising population ever since they migrated from the hills. i.e. the 11^th century or so. The Misings has a rich folk literature which reflects their sentiments and feelings, social norms and values, historical events associated with their migration from the hills to plains as well as socio-political events experienced in their life. Their folk literature can be described under the broad headings.

1. Folk Song.
2. Folk Tale.

The folk songs can be again sub-grouped into-

1. Devotional song.
2. Love Song.
3. Song of lamentation.
4. Lullaby.
5. Nursery rhyme.

Devotional song Or A:bangs:

The devotional songs called ‘A:bangs’ occupy a unique position in the life-stream of the Mising community. It is a verse of hymn of praise and worship to God or Goddess. It reflects the true philosophical concept of the community. It narrates not only the pray songs of the supernatural but also the different modes and ways of life of the Mising people. It is the true religious guide to the community.

The A:bangs are very rich in emotional appeal, philosophical import, figure of speech and elegance of words. This is decidedly a superior literature and no man of taste can fail to appreciate its sweetness. These songs are very agreeable to the ears as songs combining occasionally with dance while they can captivate the minds of the listeners with a mead of devotional ecstasy. The A:bangs are the earliest known verbal songs of the community. Hence, these songs can be called as Historical Songs or Poetric History of the community.

These songs reflect the poetical genius of the people in traditional ways. The A:bangs containing appealing and melodious tunes with simple themes may sometimes give descriptions of natural phenomenon or songs of creation of nature.

Without a “Mibu”, the priest of the community, it is beyond to the common people to remember these songs and explain their exact meanings. Some festivals like “Po:rag” festival the “Mibu” sings “A:bangs” throughout the night with a group of young boys and girls. these songs wonderfully appeal to Gods or Goddesses for their special incarnation on him. The spirit of God or Goddess is supposed to have entered the have entered the body of a “Mibu”. This system is known as “Pa:ro A:nam”. Here the “Mibu” has been empowered with some supernatural powers and can foretell the fortunes of the people. In this way the A:bangs occupy a religious sentiments in the minds of the community.

The origin of the A:bangs can’t be determined exactly. These songs are transmitted from centuries past amongst the ‘Mibu’. The A:bangs have got direct and positive relation with the ‘Mibu’ in their origin and popularity. The ‘Mibu’ are considered as the religious guide of the community and hence we can call these songs as religious songs.

The A:bangs contain descriptions of social bindings and integration. The origin of the living creatures such as animals birds and of the plants, trees etc. are found descriptions elaborately in A:bangs.

The Misings community has its own of narrating story of creation of its ancestors either in verse or in the form of Folktales. This verse, considered to be the holiest just like the Vedas, recited only on some particular occasions. They not only narrate the basic principles of creation but also trace the history of origin of the Mising from dim past.

Love Song(Oi-Ni:toms):

 The Love songs are the most popular songs of the Mising people. These songs are familiar and sung by all sections of the society irrespective of sex. These songs have supplied imagery to express ones feelings and thoughts. These songs spring out from the state of uncontrollable year.

The “Oi-Ni:toms” are rich and varied in meanings. These songs have come down to the people passed on from one generation to other.

These songs occupy a unique positions in popularity amongst the youths of the Mising people. Some writers explain the words “Oi-Ni:tom” in this way- Oi-love and affection, Ni:-to console or lull, TOM- who is consoled or lulled. Hence,the words signifies a song or a ballad to be sung with object of expressing one’s love and affection. These songs are comparable with Bongeets, Bihugeets, compossed in Assameses language.

Mising Dance

It is difficult to trace the origin of “Oi-Ni:toms”. These folk songs were created as parts of oral literature. These songs directly or indirectly reflects some of their socio-cultural life thinking. Like other folk songs, ‘Oi-Ni:toms’ have been also changing from time to time in accordance with the changing sociocultural life of the people. Yet ‘Oi-Ni:toms’ are ever fresh and ever move like a river.

The Mising people express throght  Oi-Ni:toms their love and affection. The tribal people sing their songs not for its tune, but to record their own moods and emotions. They give expressions to their thoughts in their songs. Yeraning youthful heart, desire to talk with the lover etc. are some of the expressions by Oi-Ni:toms. These songs are their life connected with joys and happiness. Different natural plural phenomenon also find place in these songs. A large number of songs are sung yearly on various themes. The Mising youths display extraordinary fertility of mind in composition of Oi-Ni:toms.

These songs are sung in season and out of season. They indicate many of the feelings which pulsate the heart of the youth. Oi-Ni:toms are sung both singly such as when someone is doing work alone in the fields and sometimes, are sung collectively during feast and festivals such as Bihu, ‘Po:rag’, ‘Ali A:ye Lvgang’ etc. while they work in the field, they sing to relieve the monotony of their activities. They have also no inhibitions about singing Oi-Ni:toms loudly in the hearing of others. Sometimes some funny songs are sung by them when group of men or women working on paddy harvesting as in ‘Rvgbo Gvnam’ or fishing in rivers. They suddenly burst into song and there is a loud chorus singing many songs one after another till the work is finished.

Mising Dance

The Oi-Ni:toms are interesting for several reasons. They are exquisite love songs and give a glimpse of the youth psychology. They prove that even the unlettered people can create superb imagery. They also throw light on social and domestic relations including their occupations. They also reveal how lovers talk in them rather than in ordinary speech.

In festive occasions, the youths, the ladies in particular, put on artistically woven clothes and dance following the tunes of Oi-Ni:toms. Dances follow the Oi-Ni:toms in accompaniment of tunes played in their indigenous musical instruments. Usually in festive occasion, many songs are composed and sing them. Sometimes singers are invited by the people of the village and these songs receive great appreciation and enthusiasm by the host.

OI-NITOM-Folk song of Misings

The “Oi-Nitom”  is the accurate outburst of Mising Peoples inner longing, a vent to appreciate the beauties of the nature in abundance, and thus it covers every activity throughout their life. Bring out every conceivable reference where absorbing smile blossom forth, unfold the throbbing story of their joys and sorrows. Romanticism is also a distinguished feature of these ‘Oi-Nitoms’ and such it is dear to the hearts of the younger population.

The Oi-nitom has exhilarating rhythm, youthful vigor and delicious composition mostly related to there love making, sung alone or in accompaniment of drum and dances. The oi-nitom have the unique characteristic of having seven ‘Tal’ or rhythm in each lines and four lines in each verse or ‘nitom’, complete in itself conveying the desired message. For example, they sing after a good harvest:

Amro arik elangka,

Mema Sakmape dolangka;

Dolu mimbir yatlangka,

Yume  rowyem kalangka.

(Do cultivate Ahu paddy and eat and drink for the rest of the years. Do love a village belle, and have her glimpse morning and evening as you feel like.)

Here, each line has seven ‘tal’(rhythm or Syllable)  as thus:

Am/ro a/rik e/lang/ka,
me.ma sak/map do/lang/ka;

Do/lu mim/bir yat/lang/ka,

Yu/me row/yem ka/lang/ka.

And the village belle are no way to be left behind and tauntingly come the reply in these lines:

Sagi gilai kapiyen

Miksi dilai kapiyen,

Menam oime pamamil,

Turra dulai kapiyen.

(What for your sighing, what for the torrent of tears in your eyes. This life is not worth living if you cannot have the love of the girl you are yearning for!.)

In this verse too, the principle of seven, ‘tal’ os syllable holds good as thus:

Sa/gi gi/lai ka/pi/yen,

Mik/si di/lai ka/pi/yen,

Me/nam oi/me pa/ma/mil,

Tur/ra du/lai ka/pi/yen.

Examples may be multiplied. However, any number of suffix or prefix may be added to this principal rhythm. Sometimes the similar  used is farfetching, and at times it reveals their power of penetrating deep into the worldly truth. Here are some examples of absorbing simile picked up by the Mising to their best advantage.

Adi jili jiliko,

Miksi jili jiliko,

Adi jili pinyepe,

Miksi jili pinpemang.

(The torrent of my tears compares with the torrent of the hilly streams; the hilly streams have chances to dry up, but mine has no parallel; it is perpetual.)

Mepak name rigado,

Oko agom lumane.

Mepak name konedo,

Oko agom lumane.

(What plant on the earth would not grow in a deserted land! To extent a deserted woman would not ill-use her tongue!)

But their entire philosophy of life and death, soul and salvation may be expressed as simple as in the following stanza:

Chapori oi chapori,

Chopan sula romdaggam,

Oi ngonyik mikkide

Tolo yipum suyepe.

(We may be buried or cremated apart in islands located in distant land. But the smoke or the soul would surely unite above, beyond the reach of the worldly being.)

Evidently, these Oi-nitoms appear to be a later development and a variation from above ‘kaban’. “Kaban” literary means lamentation and invariably expresses an air of dejection; but the Oi-Nitom has an expression of joy in better part of it, though certain expression of inner longing or sadness is not completely excluded. The Misings after coming down to the fertile land of the Brahmaputra valley, found themselves amidst beauties of nature and abundance of food and other necessities of life in lieu of nominal labour. Consequently, they looked for vent of expression of new found joy after a good harvest. They modulated their ages-old ‘Aabang’ and ‘Kaban’ into certain rhythmic lines and tunes which resulted ultimately in those “Oi-Nitoms”. It is noteworthy, in this context, that the groups of Misings who had not been much influence and affected by changed circumstances of the valley, have seen little or no change at all as regards to their mode of expression of joy or sorrow. The moyings living in the banks of Jiabharali river are not quite familiar with oi-nitoms so popular amongst all other groups of Misings living elsewhere. Instead, they have stuck to age-old ‘Aabe’-a recitation in prose which cannot be considered musical by any standard. How ever vogue in the Adi hills also. But the ‘aabe’ of the Adis are related to the institution of ‘Kebang’.

Innumerable Oi-nitoms that now available are the contributions of many an unknown illiterate Mising poets composed over centuries, memorized and passed over from lips to lips across the Brahmaputra valley. Of fate attempts have been made to serialize these fragmentary ehapsodies to certain volumes.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY WORKS ON MISING LANGUAGE

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY WORKS ON MISING LANGUAGE
The study of Mising language was initiated by the foreign Christian Missionaries in the early nineteenth century and also, in the same time, by the officials of the colonial regime, who took up the subject of their academic interest in linguistic matters. Some officers had obviously felt necessary to learn the language for administrative merit while others had perhaps moulded their tongue as a result of close contact with the community for long. However, the prime intention of missionaries was to communicate the good news of the Gospel to the people in local dialects.
The eminent personalities noted below were a few amongst many others who had mastered over the dialect and in the process, laid a solid foundation for further study of the Mising Language.
(1) William Robinson: Rev. Robinson was one of the American Baptist Missionaries and frontline academicians of the nineteenth century, a period of Assam’s transition to mass education, who stationed at Guwahati as the Principal of “Gowahati Government Seminary” in 1841 and later he became the Inspector of Schools, Assam. Besides ethics and education, the study of language was his forte. He mastered over the Mising Language and unbelievably happened to be authority of Dafla language also. Robinson was the first man to attempt to grammarise the Mising Language for institutional use. His “A short outline of Miri (Mising) grammar ” was published the March issue of “Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal” , in 1849. (Vol, 18, part 1, page 224). He was also the author of “Notes on the Daflas and the peculiarities of their language”.
(2) Joseph Francis Needham: Mr. Needham was the assistant political officer at sadiya from 1882 to 1905. During his twenty three years of service career there, he travelled far and wide, visited places high and low and met people known and unknown. With captain Molesworty he went far across the Indian border to discover a mountainous route to Tibet through the lofty range of Mishimi Hills in 1886.
He made himself the Mising language his own tongue . in 1886, Mr Needham published a grammar of the Mising language, spoken mainly in and around Sadiya- titled “Outline grammar of the Shaiyang Miri Language as spoken by the miris of that clan residing the neighbourhood of Sadiya”. In 1986 he rendered the all time popular story of “prodigal son” from the Bible into Mising language. He also wrote a story in 1899 based on an episode prevailing in the village courts (Do:lung Kcbang). Later these two stories were published in the Linguistic survey of India as the specimen paragraph of the Mising language by Sir George Abraham Grierson.
3. James Herbert Lorrain: Rev. Lorrain was a clergyman with amazing personality. Amazing in the sense that he learned and became authority over the Mising language within a time span of only two and half years during practicable for ordinary person to pick up a foreign tongue within such short spell of time, that too a language which had got no printed literatures in any discipline, except however, Needham’s grammar Mr. Lorrain was posted to sadiya in june 1900 and then suddenly transferred to Lushai Hills in February 1903.
He complete the first ever dictionary of the Mising language 1906 called “A dictionary of the Abor-Miri language” and the same was published from shillong in 1910. Later rev. Lorrain had prepared a dictionary for the Lushai Language,- titled “A Dictionary of the lushai Language” and published in 1940. Two other works of Rev. Lorrain in Mising language were: “ Isorke Doyinge in 1902” and “Jisuke Doyinge in 1902”. The latter was the summery translation of his own work “the story of the true God”. In missionary colleague Rev. Frederick W. Savidge who was also stationed at Sadiya.
4. Rev. LWB Jackman: Rev. Jackman succeeded Mr. Lorrain at sadiya in 1903. Like his predecessor he also picked up the dialect of the region very quickly and gained complete command over the language Mrs. Mary M.Clark, an American missionary, once aluded, “The Miris (of sadiya) are asking more schools, and teachers for this new opening must be trained. With building and other manifold labour mr. Jackman has worked steadily upon the language of the Abor-Miri people and has already several manuscript ready for press.” (A Corner of India , New York, 1907)
Rev. LWB Jackman Authored three books on Episcopal literature in Mising Language, the names of which are: “ Keyum kero Kitab (1914)”, “Rom Kiding kela Korintian Doying (1916)” and “Mathike Annam Baibal (1917)”. All were published in the local press sodiya.
5. Captain W Hore: Capt. Hore, an intelligent Officer, was commanding the 120th Rajputana Infantry, who had otain a favourable notice from major general Hamilton Bower for his dependable service during Abor Expedition of 1911. He mastered over the Mising Language during his stay in the border areas. Hamilton Angus, the author of “In Abor Jungle” quoted him as “an exceptionally good knowledge of the Abor and Miri language and was of the great assistant.”
6. Mr. J.H.F.Williams: Mr. Williams of the Indian Police was the Assistant Political Officer at Pasighat, who looked after the affairs of the country-north towards the Mcmahan line and west towards the subansiri. He was one of the British subjects who made Adi-Mising language as his for a brief Christmas holiday and he crossed the river to pasighat. Mr. Reid met him and made a small profile as this: “Young and able, who had masterd the Abor-Miri language, toured wide and knw the tribes habits.” (years of change in Bangal and Assam, by Robert Reid, London, 1966)
7. Bible Society of India: the gospel of St. Mark st. Hohn were translated into Mising language by the Baptist Missionaries. As usual, the names of individuals who transcripted the two books of the gospel were not mentioned. Gospel of st. John called “Joanke atnam tatporyune doyinge” which runs 52 pages was printed in 1932 and the Gospel of st. Mark titled “marke atnam tatporune doyinge”. Page 38 published in 1935, both by the British and foreign Bible Society, Calcutta.
The copies of the these two “doying books” are now completely out of stock. However, the British Museum has preserved these publications as rare archives with the identifying library catalogue numbers “8-14180 pp 30” for johns and “8-14180 pp31” for Marks ” (Ref. British Museum subject index of Modern books acquired between 1946 to 1950. Trustees of the British Museum, London, 1961)
8. Sir George Abraham Grierson: Dr. Grierson did not know Mising Language for mass communication but in the linguistic survey of India he had recorded grammatical discipline of the language most exhaustively with illustrative examples. He had aided in his field works by Prof. Conrady and Dr. Stenkonow who were entrusted to go into the grammatical details of the language.Sir Grierson made reference to the grammars written by Robinson and Needham.
9. Sir WW Hunter and Sir George Cambell: although these two public servants of Indian Civil Service had been fully conversant with the Mising language yet their studies were overly broad based Mising language had just found a place in their agenda. Vocabulary of the Mising language had been included in Sir hunter’s “A Comparative Dictionary of Language of India and High Asia” and Sir Combell’s “Specimen of language of India”.

AUTONOMY MOVEMENT OF THE MISING

AUTONOMY MOVEMENT OF THE MISING
The North East Region of the India is the land of thousand mutiny mostly inhabited by more than 209 indigenous tribal groups recognized by Government of India as Scheduled Tribes. Not a single indigenous/ tribal peoples group of North East region are at pea at present. Almost all groups are involved in struggle, either armed or peaceful, for one or the other form of self-determination. The Misings, one of the major tribes of the plains of Assam, also have a long history of struggle for Autonomy.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND:

The Misings, a major tribe of the North Assam branch of Tibeto-Burman family, first discovered the vast fertile plains land in the foot hills of Arunachal and along the course of river Subonsiri and Brahmaputra up to Kazironga on the south bank and river Jia Bhoroli on the north. They remained a free people with their own self governing system till the advent of British colonial force. Even during the rule of 600 years of Ahom dynasty in plains of Assam, the Misings enjoyed a great degree of Autonomy and the Ahom rulers hardly interfered into the internal affairs of the Misings in order to avoid clash.
Though the plains os Assam went under British colonial rule in 1826, the major portion of Mising territory, particularly the Murkongselek and Sadiya area, had remained free from British occupation till 1911, when a British Expedition conquered this area along with adjoining Adi territory.
The colonial rulers, only for their colonial interest, grouped and regrouped, bifurcated and joined the tribal peoples and their territories and thus played with the geography, demography and everything in a mess, which remains to be undone till date.
As per suggestion of the Montagu-Chelmsfort Reports, 1918, section 52-A was inserted in Govt. Of India Act, 1935 as a consequence of which the following territories of the then province of assam in British India were declared as backward tracts;
a. The Garo hills district,
b. The British portion of Khasi and Jaintia Hills district (other than the shillong Municipality and cantonment)
c. Mikir hills (in Nagaon and Sibsagar districts).
d. The north Cachar Hills (Cachar Districts)
e. The Naga Hills district.
f. The Lushai Hills Districts
g. The Sadiya Frontier tract,
h. The Balipara Frontier tract and
i. The Lakhimpur Frontier Tract.
The traditional Mising territory was divided and parts of the territory were placed in Sadiya, balipara and Lakhimpur backward tracts while the rest were kept under the provisional administration of British Assam. Again, in 1936, backward tracts were categorised as “Excluded and partially Excluded areas” after such recommendation was made by the India Statuary Commission, 1930 (popularly known as Simon Commission), by an order of 1936, the Govt. Of British India regrouped the backward tracts as follows:
A. Excluded Areas:

1. North-east Frontier (Sadiya, Balipara and Lakhimpur tracts),
2. The Naga Hills Districts,
3. The Lushai Hills Districts,
4. The Norh Cachar Hills sub division of Cachar district.
B. Partially Excluded Areas:
1. The Garo Hills Districts,
2. The Mikir Hills in Nagaon and sibsagar districts and
3. The British portion of Khasi and Jaintia Hills District (Other than the Shillong Municipality and the Cantonment).

Thus, a large area of the Mising territory were grouped with NEFA and separated from the rest. These areas were exempted from the power of provincial legislature. The Excluded areas were administered by the Governor himself and the partially Excluded areas were his special responsibly. This provision of the Government of India act, 1935 were, by and large, retained by the Indian (Provisional Constitutional) order, 1947 when India Became independent.
After independence, a committee named Bordoli committee was appointed for determination of the future of these excluded and partially excluded areas. The committee submitted its reports to the advisory committee on fundamental Rights, Minorities and Tribal and excluded Areas for the consideration of the constituent assembly. The recommendation of the Bordoloi Committee were incorporated into the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution and under section 19 of the sixth schedule the Governor was to ensure creation of autonomous district councils for each of the following areas:
1. The United Khasi and Jaintia Hills.
2. The Garo Hills.
3. The Lushai Hills.
4. The Naga Hills
5. The North Cachar Hills
6. The Mikir Hills
7. North East Frontier Tracts including Balipara Frontier Tract, Abor Hills and Mishimi Hills Districts
8. The Naga Tribal Areas.
The committee recommended incorporation of the sixth Schedule to the constitution of India providing Autonomy to the Excluded and partially excluded areas by creating autonomous districts councils. But, the committee, most probably, moved by the objective of assimilating the plains tribals of Assam into the mainstream Assamese nationality, did not strongly recommend for providing autonomy to the Mising and other plains tribal areas in line with other hill areas; rather, with some ambiguous observation, it recommended separation of the plains tribal areas (mostly Mising territory) and amalgamation with the general areas of Assam without providing any constitutional mechanism.
The important portion of the Reports of the sub-committee is as follows:
“the population of the plains tribals, which is being gradually assimilated to the population of the plains, should for all purpose be treated as minority. Measures for protection of their lands are also in our view of necessary action. We have kept in mind the possibility of their being certain areas inhabited by tribals in the plains or the foot of the hills whom it may be necessary to provide in the same manner.”
With more reports, the sub-committee stated that-
“we have also provided that administration of the areas to be brought under the provincial administration in future should also be similar to that of the existing hill districts. We also conclude from the evidence collected at sadiya that the Saikhowaghat portion of the excluded area south of the lohit river and possibly the whole of the sadiya plains portion upto the inner line could be included in regular administration; but feel that the question needs more detailed investigation and recommend that it should be undertaken by the government”
Following the report of the sub-committee, the provincial Government of Assam separated the plains tribal areas from NEFA and amalgamated them with other advanced areas of Assam in 1951 and declared these areas as ‘Transferred Areas’ (Vide Notification No. TAD, 25/50/109, dated 13th February, 1951) and appointed asstt. Political officers at Charduar, balipara, Murkongselek and sadiya (vide notification no. TAD 35/50/154, dated 8th may,1951).

QUIRK OF HISTORY:
The constitution of independent India for two schedule in the constitution for administration of the tribal areas. These are the Fifth schedule and the sixth schedule. The sixth schedule provides for formation of autonomous district councils in the tribal areas of the north east and fifth schedule provides for formation of tribes advisory councils in all other states of the country. But the vast tribal areas in the plains of Assam and the hills of Manipur have been left out these two schedules. Dr. Bhupinder Singh committee or the three member experts committee on plains tribals of Assam constituted by Govt. Of India in the wake of Bodoland movement has strongly criticised this lapse and describe it as a “quirk of history”. This ‘quirk of history’ remains the root cause of tribal agitation in Assam.
THE FIRST RESOLUTIONS:
The first resolution to raise the demand for separate autonomy for the Misings and allied groups was North East frontier Miri-Abor sonmilon. The sonmilon, during its first session held on 20/05/1947 at Murkongselek with Mr.Howard William, the then political Officer of Sadiya on the chair adopted the following resolutions. These are the first resolutions adopted by Mising people demanding Autonomy.
Resolution 1: The sonmilon resolve to extend thanks to the British Govt. On its decision to create independent provincial administration for Assam on its declaration of 20th February, 1947 and farther resolve to supports the proposal for separating Assam from East Pakistan.
Resolution 2: Resolved that we, the Miris (with Miris of provincial administration) abors, daflas and charak communities firmly and unitedly move today to create an autonomous unit for these tribes as per specific boundary given hereinafter as the said tribes are the uniformity in language, religion, culture and manners. Formation of autonomous unit preserve the oneness of assam in general.
Boundary:
North: Tibet.
South: The Brahmaputra River.
East: The Nizemghat (Sadiya).
West: Subonsiri river towards Baginodi in a straight line to meet the Aka hills.
Resolution 3: The autonomous unit shall be consisting of one district legislative council represented by those tribes with their elected representatives. All administrative functions shall be confined within the indigenous Assamese people shall be treated as minority community with their right to vote and shall deserve right of citizenship.
Resolution 4: The council shall elect four representatives to the legislative council of the states.
Resolution 5: All revenues including land revenue shall be remained with district council with the approval of the legislative assembly, if necessary.
Resolution 6: No outside non tribal shall have the right to settle or claim land property to be there, no business be allowed to run by them without the prior permission of council.
Resolution 7: In case of distribution of land amongst the plains Miri-Abors and Hill-Miri-Abors, the existing inner line shall be treated as the boundary for hills and plains and there shall be equal right to settle in hills and plains for the people of hills and plains and vice versa.

THE SECOND PHASE OF THE MOVEMENT:
Though denied their right of self rule, the Misings were also carried away by the euphoria of end of British Colonial rule and hoped for better treatment under independent India. The extended full supports to the congress. They hoped that their territories would be restored, their right over their ancestral land and forest would be back and they would again be free to unite their community and territory and would be able to live as a distinct people with pride. With such hopes and dreams they kept their autonomy demand in the cold storage for almost two decades. But their hopes and dreams got shatterd very last. The Mising people exhibited their first aspiration to live as one people by forming “Misings Agom Kcbang (Mising Language Society)” in 1972 and launching a movement for preservation, development and recognition of their language.

The Mising educated youths and students played a leading rule in organising the Mising community. Till this time,There was no common Mising students organisation covering the whole of Mising inhabited areas. The first missing Student body was formed in 1933 named as Asom Miri Chatro Sonmilon. This was renamed as North Bank Mising Students Union after independence. In 1951, Murkongselek Mising Students Union was formed and 1959 saw formation of South Bank Mising Students Union. All these groups were united in 1971 by forming Assam NEFA Miri Chatro Sonmilon. In 1974, this sonmilon was renamed as Assam Arunachal Mising Students Union. The next session of the union was held in 1978 at Dergaon and the name was again changed to All Assam Mising Students union. The next session was held in September,1982 at All Assam Miri High School, Matmora, Dhakuakhana and it was in this session that an unanimous resolution was passed to demand autonomy for the Misings under the provision of the Sixth Schedule of the constitution. Finally, in the session held on 22, 23 and 24 February, 1985 at Jengraimukh, majuli the union was permanently named as “Takam Mising Porin Kcbang (all missing students union)” and a popular mass movement was launched on the Autonomy demand.
THIRD PHASE OF THE MOVEMENT:
As the autonomy movement grew stronger and popular, a new batch of young political leaders emerged out of the community and they soon developed differences with the existing old generation leadership of “Mising bane Kcbang”, the so-called parent body of the community. Most of the leaders of ‘Mising Bane Kcbang’ belonged to the rulling political partys and therefore, they did not supports the autonomy movement. In this political polarisation of the community, all other missing organisations took the side of pro-autonomy movement and walked out of the 31st general conference of the ‘mising bane kcbang’ held at bodoti in lakhimpur district in 1992. All the organisations jointly announced ‘social boycott’ of ‘Mising Bane Kcbang’ and a convening committee was formed immediately to form a new broad platform to organise the Mising people in supports of Autonomy demand. Later, in February, 1993, ‘Mising Mimag kcbang (Mising Action Committee) was formed at a Mising National Convention held at Jonai in Dhemaji district. Democratic agitational programmes, such as Bandh, picketing, mass mobilisation started.
Considering the growing popularity of the Autonomy movement, the Govt. Of Assam led by late Hiteswar Saikia announced grant of autonomy to the Misings and invite Takam Mising porin Kcbang (TMPK) and Mising Mimag Kcbang (MMK) for negotiation. The Govt. Gave a written proposal to create an autonomous council named as Mising Autonomous Council (MAC), which said that:
1. There shall not be any definite boundary and compact area for the MAC.
2. Revenue village having 50% or more Mising population would be identified and included unto the MAC.
3. The MAC will not have any legislative power; it will have only executive powers on 34 subjects enlisted under 11th schedule of the constitution of India incorporated after the 73rd amendment.
4. Fund to the MAC would be provided only from the tribal sub-plan of the state.
5. The MAC would be created under a state Act and not under any provision of the constitution.
Nine rounds of discussion were held between the Government of Assam and the leadership of TMPK and MMK. The TMPK-MMK insisted that ‘autonomy without boundary’ was an absurd proposition and was not acceptable. They also objected to the creation of 50% Mising population in a revenue village for identification and inclusion into proposed MAC. The TMPK-MMK strongly demanded that the existing ‘tribal belt & Blocks’ and the tribal sub-plan areas in Mising dominated areas should be included into MAC and that the MAC should be provided with powers and function similar to Bodoland Autonomous Council. But, the Assam Govt of congress-I party refused to concede to divide the Mising people. Overnight, a fake organisation named ‘Mising Autonomous deemed Committee (MADC)’ was launched with full patronisation of the Govt and put into dirty fight against the TMPK-MMK. Simultaneously, the Congress-I took up a plan to revive the ‘Mising Bane Kcbang (MBK)’ to use it against the struggling missing people. The MBK and MADC agreed to accept the boundaryless farce Mising autonomous council and organised the 32nd general conference of the Mising bane Kcbang on 21, 22, and 23 april , 1995 at bilmukh under dhakuakhana PS and invited the chief Minister of Assam for formal declaration of the council. This move sparked strong resentment among the Misings and TMPK-MMK vowed to resist the conference. A 60 hour Bandh was called. On the first day of the conference,about five thousand Mising people took out a heroic protest march at Bilmukh and when the procession was advancing towards the venue of the conference to register their protest , CRPF and Assam Police opened indiscriminate fire killing two person namely martyr Mahananda (Boga) Medok and Martyr Noresh Taid. Hundreds were injured. As the 60 hour Bandh continued, police atrocities started in almost every Mising inhabited areas. Thousand people came out to the streets to protest. At Gogamukh in dhemaji district, police brutally lathicharged on hundreds of woman picketers and a young girl named Anjana Pegu was wounded by bayonet. She later succumbed to her injury. The Band turned violent. Roads were blocked by felling trees, bridge were burnt down and markets were ablaze. Amidst such wide spread and strong protest, late Hiteswar Saikia, the then chief Minister of Assam came to Bilmukh by a chopper and addressed a very thinly attended meeting. He however, could not venture to announce his boundaryless autonomy.
Police repression continued and more than 500 activists of TMPK-MMK including all the top leaders were jailed and when most of the TMPK-MMK leaders were in jail, the Govt signed a so called Mising Accord on 14 july, 1995 with MADC and MBK. Later, the Govt. Constituted and interim Mising Autonomous Council headed by a person named Laxminath Pangging known for his closeness to the Chief Minister. After some month, he was replaced by one Mr. Doneswar Modi, a Congress-I leader from Jonai.
The TMPK-MMK continued their democratic agitation against the farce boundaryless Mising Autonomous Council and successfully prevented the leaders of MADC and MBK from entering into Mising Villages. The Mising villagers gave punishment to many persons involve with MADC and MBK by imposing social boycott, shaving of head and parading through village. At many places, violent clashes took places between supports of TMPK-MMK and MADC-MBK.
MISING AUTONOMY DEMAND AND ELECTION:
The Mising people, for the first time in their history, participated in the general election of 1996 with the demand for Autonomy. The MMK fielded candidate in Jonai, dhemaji, dhakuakhana, majuli, lakhimpur and bokakhat assembly constituency and in Lakhimpur parliamentary constituency. However, it could not win a single seat. The Mising people are not in majority in these constituencies excepting Jonai. As they contested the election under the banner of MMK, a Mising-non-Mising polarisation took place resulting in defeat of the minority Misings. The MMK polled more than one lac votes in these constituencies.
ANOTHER PHASE OF NEGOTIATION:
After the 1996 election, Asom gono parishad came to power in Assam defeating Congress-I. The TMPK-MMK, with the strength of one lac peoples supports, demanded immediate dissolution of the interim MAC and holding a fresh talk for a permanent solution of the autonomy issue. But AGP failed to recognize the democratic aspiration of the missing people and neglected issue. Meanwhile, the matter of dissolution of the interim council got mired in a legal battle in guwahati high court. Finally, on 10,march, 1998, the guwahati high court vacated a stay order issued earlier against dissolution and Assam govt dissolve the interim MAC on 11 march, 1998 following which negotiation started with TMPK-MMK for an acceptable solution. After a series of discussion, the TMPK-MMK along with TMMK have signed a memorandum of understanding with Assam govt on 28 april, 1998. The MoU, describes the previous MAC as farce, ineffective and defective. The major points of agreement are:

1. The govt of assam will freshly review the whole MAC act by constituting a high power review committee and the committee will submit its reports within three months.
2. the MAC act will be soon amended after submission of the reports.
3. all the police cases pending against TMPK-MMK members relating to the autonomy agitation will examined for withdrawal.
4. charges of corruption and misappropriation of public money by the functionaries of the previous council will be investigated and action would be taken against those found guilty.
5. election to the Mising autonomous council will be held within five months after review and amendment of the act.

*HISTORY OF ORIGIN OF THE TANIS OR THE AMIS: PART ONE

History of origin:

The Tanis or the Amis are one of the early, if not the earliest, groups of human races migrating to north-eastern region of India sometimes in the past. The Tanis or the Amis are variously known to other people as the Misings, Mishimis, Pa:dams, Minyongs, Galongs, daflas, Hill Miris, Apa-tanis etc. The language, culture and traditions of these tribes are one and the same. According to ethnologists, the Akas and daflas are one in race with each other, and with the tribes of Abors and Miris inhabiting the hills coming no doubt originally from the same habitats, they are still alike in all material respects as to warrant us in calling them the earlier and later migrations of the same tribe, the abors as the last comers, retaining more of their pristine savagery and hardihood, while the Miris have been to some extent influenced by free association with theplains and the settled habits of civilization. The intercourse between Abors and Miris is still nevertheless constant and intimate. Ethnologist group them into one unit under common appellation of North assam brance although the collectively identify themselves as Tani or Ami, meaning “man”. Scholars of various academics disciplines have unanimously held that they belong to the great Mongoloid race of mankind whose ancient civilization flourished in the upper course of the Yangtse-Kiang and the Hoang-Ho-river-valleys of north-west China. They have close connections with various human races from time immemorial and contributed to the evolution of common culture. They have however no written historical traditios of their own except some disconnected oral traditions which furnish authentic facts of their early history. The history of their early period is, there fore, obscure for us to know owing to dearth of reliable historical materials. This is also mainly owing ot the deficiencies of reliable historical source, but largely to the lack of painstaking academic pursuits. It appears that the true historical period of the tanis or the Amis begins only from the time they are referred to in the historical chronicles called BURANJIS and the Vaisnavite literature of medieval Assam.

The history of origin and migration of the Tanis can be traced with the available historical materials so as to arrive at a definite conclusion on the subject. The most important source is the Greek and Roman classical literature, notably, Pliny’s Natural History, Ptolemy’s Geography and the Periplus of Erythrian Sea, compiled before and after the christen era. The Greek and Roman classical literature refer to the tribes and their habitats as “Meridionales”, “Meridiem”, “Asmira”, “Abarimon”, “Abali”, “Orxulao” etc. Which are identified by the authorities with the names of Abors, Miris, Mishimis, Akas of the north-eastern region of India. It is held on the basis of such identification that century A.D. if not earlier. In Indian classical literature holds that different branches of the great Sini-indian speaking people which had their base near the head waters of the Yangtse-Kiang and the Hoang-he rivers to the north-west china pushed south and west, probably from 2000B.C. the north-Assam tribes of the Abors and Akas, daflas and Miris, and Mishimis, appears to come later and to have established themselves in the mountains to the north of the Brahmaputra plains already in occupation of the Bodos. The classical literatures are therefore evident that the Indo-Chinese people of India have already settles in India since 2000BC and the north Assam tribes have also settled in their present habitats since the beginning of the Christian era.

The study of language has also an important bearing on the origin and migration of the people. Some linguist (Dr. GA Grierson) studied the language spoken by the Mishimis, Adi, Misings, daflas, Apatanis and Akas in some details. He classified their language under the common appellation of North-Assam brance of the Tibeto_Burman group of the Indo-Chinese language family. Grierson, on the basis of his linguistic study observe that the North-Assam brance language is a connecting link of the Tibetan and the Himalayan dialects with that of the Kuki-Chin, Bodo, Naga and Kachin groups. He therefore concluded that the home of the North-Assam tribes may be considered as a kind of backwater. The eddies of the various waves of Tibeto-Burman immigration have swept over it and left their stamps on the dialects. The impression on the North-Assam tribes was probably left before or in the course of their migration to their present habitats. The above instance indicates that the North-Assam tribes intermixed with various branches of the Tibeto-Burman language speakers, and also migrated to their present habitats later than many other groups of these language speakers. Dr. Grierson, traces, on the basis of his linguistic analysis, the migration of the Tibeto-Chinese language speakers in three successive waves; the first batch migrated during the pre-historic times; secondly, the Tibeto-Burmans migrated to Tibet and then to India, the period of which is unknown; thirdly, the Tai branch of the Siamese-Chinese group migrated in about in recent times. Apparently, the above list of migration indicates that the North-Assam tribes are included in the second wave of migration which took place between the period of prehistory and the sixth century A.D. it is therefore, certain that the North-Assam tribes have already migrated and settled in their present habitates since the beginning of the Christian era.

Archaeological evidences also point out the early history of the North-Assam tribes. Some Neolithic cultureal tools such as Jadeite, gneiss and dolerite made of local rocks, limestone and bone have been discovered at Sadiya, Abor-hills and the Mishimi-hills. These Neolithic culture tools are said to be associated with the cultivator of agriculture, slaying of animals etc. some historian has contended on the basis of these cultural materials, that “ the facetted tool has the closet link with the types of tools known from yunnan….the prolific use of jadeite further strengthens the link with Yunnan, in fact, with the discovery of a specimen in the Mishimi Hill the cultural contact of this region with Yunnan can hardly be doubted. Indeed the main tools types of Yunnan and the Sadiya Frontier zone are identical and the use of the common material, jadeite, firmly established the identity. The analysis of tools suggests that the Neolithic culture in Assam, as represented by these stone tools, are of late origin. The earliest possible date is linked us with the chronology of the developed neoliths in the countries of south-east-asia and south-china. The late origin of the Neolithic cultural materials, as concluded by historians, suggested that the North-Assam tribes have lately migrated from the Chinese province of Yunnan etc. and settled in their present habitats. Apart from this, the Tezpur rock Inscription of Harjaravana (GE=510=829/830 AD) also refers to the term Abara-Parbata which the autorities have held to be referred to the present Abor-Hills. The reference to the word ‘Abor’ in this rock inscription of 829/830 A.D. confirms that the North-Assam Tribes have settled in their present habitats since the beginning of this Christian era.

*THE AGOM AND A:BANG OF TANI-AGOM PART II

A:BANG:

‘A:bang’ is a verse form of hymn of praise, worship to God or Goddess. Prayer to God for help, protection and blessing. It may be historical appendix giving an account of the Mising community. On the other hand it may be a love poem which celebrates the lusty joys of the life constitutes a form of poetic arts, a types of vernacular literature of the Mising Society.

A:BANG’ retains the fine flavors of its source. Not only are phenomenal designs and forms confirmed to the verses, but widely separated portions of the “a:bang” woven into intricate and p[perfect pattern. Each word is linked and connected in one marvelous patterns. The following “Mibu A:bang” evoking to goddess “Sirki na:nc” is cited for an example of its kind-

“Sirki na:nc na:na
na:na bctta.
Rcgvnc na:na, rcgvnc ba:ba
Side di:dum sidona, Mising Svlongkc;
Misingc rurubc dodo, Abu tanimc
Rumang ruyunc, Rung-gc gcge:la
Noni tarungcm kc:nc ncrv:lo,vrgc gctonc
Silo bo:mo lo:tu:so, ncni gomlabcm
Lcni bclamcm. Lablen botokui, botokui
Sirki na:nc”

‘Rcgi’ and ‘Rcgam’ manifesting the love of mother and father, you gave birth to “Abu-tani” then the resolate of religious path for righteous occasion was bestwed on Mising being incarnated by your spirit under a ‘Kc:nc’ tree. When Mising was in darkness, a voice spoken from the above was descending on earth as a light through sublime command.

Another example of “Mirv A:bang” is given below

“Dcrmi sv:tungc turmcko tvrmanga
Kombong apunc rcyibko rcyaba
Omam nyameya rcyibko rcyaba
Tctvkc pa:pvkc rcyibko rcyaba
Modio bolopc rcyibko rcyaba
Lciko lckorc rcyibko rcyaba
Kortogc gcdubong rcyibko rcyaba
Tctvkc tcpurkc rcyibko rcyaba
Modio dilu:scm rcyibko rcyaba
Dcpvngc gctobong rcyibko rcyaba
Taniyc tarokc rcyibko rcyaba
Modi ditu:to rcyibko rcyaba
Yvrobc bilangkui rcyibko rcyaba”

A land of ever spring is a dreamy place of a ‘Mibu’ where “Tatvkc papu” lords over there. In that land there is a hidden boundary between living and death, there is a line unseen by us, but a place , we do not know where which marks the real man. Mibu asks his company of girls and boys to leave that place and come back to the land belongs to ‘Tani’.

Mibu A;bang is an evocation to god or goddess of nature to dominate circumstances by the use of supernatural powers and generally to tap and to imply the forces of an unseen world.

M irv a:bang is an appealing song of melodious tune with theme and treatment; yet wonderfully appeals to god or goddess for their spiritual incarnation of him. The spirit of god or goddess is supposed to have enterd the body of a Mibu and the sytem of such spiritually incarnation is called ‘Pa:ro A:nam’, then the Mibu becames godly man-“MIRV”.

Mirv a:bang is a lyrical appeal versed for purposeful occasion of an occult ritual, a religio-cultural song of Mibu.

Ni:tom A:bang is an narrative song of versatile interest in natural phenomena, a song of love of creative suggestion. It is literary tradition of poetical genius that the Mising had have.

Example:
“Yerungc ka:lvgc kentu geyumc
Dognc lvngvrc alvngc ka:yumc
Lc:bang sonyiko migbc so:nyiko
Mikscng amigc ka:lvgc bincko
Ri:bi gcnamdc gascng kebnamdc
Oi nok gcnamdc gcyum binamko
Do:nyi owangc mvryub doncmc
Po:lo lounc un yang doncmc
Kumdang tarungcm rung ge:la:na
Dumdcnkc oyvng yvngkum sutagla
Do;nok gomugc tadyum bincko
Oi-nok ni:tomc gomkan namdc:na
So:yong pcttangkc gomuk cdcna
Oi-ya mc:namcm mcbongok mcnamcm
Oi-no mc:namcm mcngkin bincko
Dolong miksyic jiri tulana
Atcrkc miksiyc pari bincko”

Meaning:
“looks nice when fitted
with ‘kentu’ that gliters
on her ears and
a dognc lvngkcr
around her neck
dressed in ri:bi-gascng
the girl looks befitting
and her pair of eye-brows
like two rain bows
the eye looks smiling
and her eye lids
do grace to beautify
more her face.
Sun set fades
In the west
Darkness takes away
The light of the day
But the moon
On the east
Shuns the flaming wheel
That chases out
The gloom of the day done
The village youths
Flocks to-gather
For evening meet
Where their wishes
Are expressed
In their songs.
Dear is the voice
Which sounds
Like the voice of cuckoos
That sweetens the ears
Of the beloved one
But each words brings out
Her tears
Thus, the responses
To the mind of her lover
In her solitary mind
Unknown to other.

So, it can be said that ‘a:bang’ is the emergence of several songs of praise, folk poem or ballad like “poly-phonic music” in which several voices participated each deriving its own melody and rhyme musically blending together.

A:BANG can be classified into five categories:-
1. Mibu a:bang
2. Mirv a:bang
3. Miri a:bang
4. Miri ba:ri a:bang
5. Ni:tom a:bang or abe

Ni:tom a:bang has three parts:-
1. Dongkung ni:tom
2. do:bo ni:tom a:bang
3. Kaban ni:tom a:bang

Kaban Ni:tom is a song of tragedy for frustrated life. Its has four parts:-
1. komjvng Kaban
2. do:bo Kaban
3. ariyang Kaban
4. mc:bo Kaban

Mc:bo Kaban ni:tom later on becomes a song of love born matter popularly known a “Oi-ni:tom”.

*THE AGOM AND A:BANG OF TANI-AGOM:PART I

THE AGOM AND A:BANG OF TANI-AGOM:

AGOM

The Misings belongs to a diversity of several kindred tribes and regarded as indicative of a race, but not as the name of a tribe. A mixed formation of many tribes which has been attributed to admixture of racial elements are agglomerated into a community of Mising. There have been a considerable intermingling of several tribal dialects forming a pattern of common language which generally known a Mising Agom appertaining to all of the Mising as a whole.

The mising Agom has relatively close affinity with many Arunachal tribal descents traced to a common ancestor-‘Abo Tani’. The little difference among them is mainly phonetical. Basically the same words are pronounced with slight variations. The fundamental words are almost the same in all of them.

The following words are the random illustration of mutual affinities of tribal speaking Tani-agom.

ENGLISH APATANI GALONG NISHI HILL MIRI ADI MISING
Beer O Opo Opo Opo Apong Apong
Salt A:lo A:lo A:lo Alo Alo Alo
I Ngo Ngo Ngo Ngo Ngo Ngo
We Nunu Ngunu/Ngulu Ngulu Ngulu Ngulu Ngolu
You No Nunu No No No No
He/She mo mi mi be bv bv
His/Her hoko migc migc ekke bvkke bvkkc

Agom in its common meaning is the language of the Mising and it is included in ‘Tani-Agom’. The first word is said to have preceded out as ‘Om Laye’ and the first man created as ‘Tapa Pumang’. These two words are ‘Gomdvk’, a kind of incantation generally used by Mibu, the Mising priestly man who is an institution by himself.

“Neni Gomtangcm
leni bclamko
Gomtang ba:buck
Do:yvng Na:ncbv
Gomnc gomta:dcm
Gompv gomta:pc
Tadlen Bitonc”

According to the ‘Mibu Gompak’ cited above, voice is believed to have existed in heaven as ‘Gomnc-Gomtang’ and came down on Earth in a divine way and then spoken out as ‘Gompv-Gomtang’ by a ‘Ta:bo’ who is given inspiration of ‘Do:yvng’ name of ‘Gomtang Ba:bu’. The Mibu here. Introduce himself as ‘Ta:bo’(wiseman). Further he says.

“Ncnio Ngomdunc
Ta:bo Ngomdanc
Tomgc Gclukdoscm”

So, ‘agom’ is the creation of god, in the sense that he inspired ‘Do:Yvng Na:nc’ to speak out the ‘Gomnc-gomtang’ as a ‘Gompv-gomtang’ in the mouth of a Ta:bo.

‘Gompv-gomtang’ is generally expressed in two ways and these are ‘Agom’(Gomtang) and ‘A:bang’ which accord perfectly and both are part of one homogeneous whole.

‘Agom’ (Gomtang) can mainly be divided into two parts. ‘Agom’ and ‘Gompak’.

1. Agom here means a common colloquies.
2. Gompak is purposely spoken for a particular occasion. Having rhetorical order it is generally used in oratorical speech, prayer and proverbial phrase.
“Yumsi odarcm gvjoncko
Osim tarungcm ru:joncko”

It tells about a man who can find out solution of a dangerous situation. The phrase is used in oratorical speech.

“Ako sinna-Anc sangge:ya
Po:lo orumso-Do:nyi orumso
Do:nyi awo komvlo
Po:lo awo komvlo
Side du:yc”,

You are the one, only the powerful source of creation of all. We are under kind fold of ‘Do:nyi-Po:lo’ being true to their real existence forever. It is a ‘Lube Gompak’-prayer.

“Dumbo bclamcm svkka:ma:
opan agomcm tadk:ma”

“Breaking deer has no value as an ordinary pray and advice of layman is not accepted as humble creator”. It is “solog gompak”-proverb.

*RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTISES AMONG THE MISINGS OF NORTHEAST INDIA

The traditional religion practices of the Misings are based on three major belief system:-
First, about the creator of the universe,
Second, existence of spirits around human habitats and
Thirds, about of human soul.

The Misings believe that the universe was created by supreme heavenly power defined as ‘SEDI BA:BU’( SEDI the Father)and ‘MELO NANC’(MELO the Mother) and considered themselves as the progenies of the Sun(DO:NYI ANC i.e. Sun Mother) and the Moon(PO:LO ABU i.e. Moon Father). These deities are held to be omnipotent, omnipresent and always benevolent to mankind. Therefore, on every occasion of social and religious function, the Misings offer prayer first to these deities. In fact, no auspicious functions starts without the names of ‘SEDI MELO’ and ‘DO:NYI PO:LO’.

It is believe that the forest, river, streams, water, ponds and other physical surrounding of human habitats are infested by some spirits which they call ‘UIE’. The ‘UIE’S’ are held responsible for all kinds of maladies of man. Death, disease, destruction, misfortunes etc. are attributed to the evil eyes and desire of these spirits. Therefore, proprietary rituals are perform whenever necessary to keep these spirits satisfied or warded off from casting evils on man.

Some of the spirits are known by their usual abode such as ‘YUMRANG UIE’, spirits that live in forest, ’TALENG UIE’, spirits that live above the earth i.e. eternal atmosphere. ‘ASI UIE’, spirits that live in water and so on. Each type of spirits is believed to cause particular types of problem and this is detected by the ‘MIBU’, who is the traditional priest and seer of the Misings. Whenever a person falls ill or meets misfortune or catastrophy a ‘MIBU’ is called in to determine the spirits responsible for the problem. On detection of the spirits, appropriate ritual is performed to propitiate it according to the advice and suggestion of the ‘’MIBU’. There are of course, other method of diagnosing the spirits causing illness for, which ‘MIBU’ is not always necessary but in case of prolonged illness or occurrence of unnatural death or destruction of cattle or crops ‘MIBU’ is called in. there is also a concept of clan deity prevalent among the Misings. This is known as ‘GUMVN SO:YIN’ which is believed to be residing in each house of the families belonging to the same clan and protecting the family from all kinds of dangers and difficulties that may be caused by the evil spirits which roam around the homes and huts all the times. Thus, each family performs a ritual for the satisfaction of the “GUMVN SO”YIN” generally every year.

The next foundation of traditional Mising religion is the belief about human soul and its immortality. They belief that soul is the life, and death is the departure of the soul from the body. The moments the soul leaves the body death occurs to it.

The Misings call the soul “YALO” which also means shade. In sunshine, a man is followed by his shade everywhere and anywhere. The Misings conceive it as an accompaniment of soul in form of shade. As soon as man dies, his shade is lost from the earth. It means the soul has departed from him and assumes the form of spirit, for the soul does not find another human body where it can re-enter. Thus it remains outside mundane human world, but not necessarily forgetting the past so soon. The Misings believe that human soul does not go away too far from the dead mans home until and unless he is prayed to leave the family for good by performing the last ritual called “DODGANG” in which food and drink are offered to the departing soul as well as to the gathering relatives, neighbours and friends who come to pay homage and prayer to the departing soul. After the death of a person, the Misings perform a ritual called “UROM APIN” for departing soul within a month or so. This is performed in the belief that the departed soul does not lose all the mundane desires so soon. The desires therefore must be fulfilled before the soul departs from the earth to eternity.

Besides these major functions, a few more rituals are performed by individual Mising families according to their need and tradition.
TO BE CONTINUE…

*MURONG: It’s Significance in Mising

The Misings are one of the major communities of Assam dwelling mostly on the valley of Brahmaputra and her tributaries contributing the growth and development of composite Assamese culture. The majority of the people are still living in the flood affected and isolated areas with old age traditions and modern civilization has practically left them untouched in many aspects. They have got a MURONG SYSTEM- the backbone of their social institution which is unique by its own nature. The MURONG system has been followed as their tradition from immemorial past and every Mising village should have a MURANG to reflect their social unity and economic strength. Although, the MURONG house is a term used in some tribe to denote youth clubs of unmarried boys and girls (YOUTH DORMITORY), yet it has much more important socio-cultural significance for the Mising people. In the Mising society MURONG is a symbol of village unity, integrity and assimilation. The performance of collective social functions, feast, festivals, training of dancing and singing etc. are some usages of MURONG. It can also be used as a guest house for some honorable guest and as a court of social justice. The origin of the MURONG system can’t be traced but we can say that it is an age old tradition connected with one of their ways of defense from other tribes during life in the hills. The term MURONG has been a matter of debate still now and a slight variation of its pronunciation as ‘MVRONG’, MO: RONG’, MORONG etc. exists among the different sub groups of the Mising people. Now majority of the people prefer the term ‘MURONG;. The ‘MURONG’ house of the Mising society usually constructed in the central or the peripheral part of the village for convenience of communication to the visitors. It is slightly longer that an ordinary Mising ‘CHANG GHAR’ and has no walls. The MURONG presents a very spectacular sight and is the most beautiful and gorgeous building in the village. The front porch of MURONG of a village is visible from a distance. The MURONG has thatched roofs and very high quality posts are used for its superstructure. The decoration and construction is so superb that ones minds is bound to be filled with awe and admiration at such indigenous skills. The beams are made of some quality woods and their surfaced are decorated with pictures of DO: NYI (sun), PO: LO ( Moon), TAKAR (Star), SORMON(Crocodile), SITE (Elephant) etc. those pictures are painted with different appropriate colors and they reflect some of their traditional beliefs as forefathers ‘RU:NC PVNC’. In the quality of woods are specifically tried to use such as ‘TAPVD’, TAKINANG’, TALC, TANGNO etc. with the belief that evil spirits cant take shelters in that MURONG. It is the choice of the good spirits only. There is a big ‘MCRAM’ occasionally two or more in the central part of the house meant for burning firewoods during festive occasions. ‘PCRABS’ are kept hanging over each MCRAM for drying meat and keeping other materials used for cooking. There are two ‘KOBANG’, one at each end of the house. The raised platform of MURONG is made of split bamboo and they are arranged very nicely so that platform can be used for dancing, sleeping etc. during festive occasions. A small sized boat is kept on the southern floor of the MURONG for temporary storage of water for using during PO:RAG festival particularly. During this festivals the usage of PO:DOR is essential which is the biggest TA:SUK kept hanging by ropes at the ‘KOKTAG’ of the platform for filtering PO:RO APONG. There are many small sized TA:SUK and are all made of split bamboos and are conical in shapes. After the completion of constructing MURONG meant for a particular social occasion. The village people assemble and pray their forefather offering APONG, TAKE etc. The MURONG is directly related to the most important social festival of the Mising- PO:RAG. It is a harvest festival and it can’t be performed without a MURONG. ‘MIBU’ the Mising priest, has to conduct this auspicious social occasion in the MURONG. The organizational integrity of this institution is best felt and appreciably executed at the time of annual harvest festival and during some decision making occasions of the village people under ‘DO:LUNG KCBANG (Village Council) and ‘MVMBVR YA:ME (Youth Council). In earlier times, the MURONG had been the best school for the practical life of the Mising youth. The MURONG has a great influence on the life of the Mising people. The disciplinary influence of the society in MURONG is an aspect of its utility. The disputed opinions of the members of the village are settled at MURONG, petty cases of theft, assaults, quarrels, land partition disputes, social crimes arising of out disobedience to customary rules are settled at MURONG. Complaints regarding anything social or religions are brought before the village elders while the assemble in the MURONG. The DO:LUNG KCBANG deliver judgment and punish the offenders. Again co-operate, and the date and time for the proposed work is also decided at MURONG. To speak in short, it is an institution which fostered mutual understanding of individuals as well as social problems. It is also paves the way of social integration of the communities at the village level. The MURONG can also be used sometimes for the training ground for boys and girls in the arts of singing, dancing, spinning and weaving as well. On occasions it can be used to entertain the distinguished visitors and guest. For the youth after the days hard work, they take their evening meal in their respective houses and then gather together in the MURONG. Some will gossip, some will sing while other will play flute of beat the drum. The MURONG house is open to all sections of the Mising society on all occasion including the PO:RAG festivals. But many of these days traditions have gradually been abandoned by the Mising society. Some of the functional aspects of MURONG have been losing importance as the institution itself is partially at adying stage. Only in some interior and big villages the existence of MURONG is felt. Moreover, because of the poor financial position most of the village Mising people cant efforts construction of MURONG and celebration of PO:RAG. Although the Mising people are maintaining many of their traditional socio-cultural traits. Yet modernism has been gradually penetrating into their culture. The concept of MURONG is not an exception, hence many of its important aspects are gradually going to be abandoned. Moreover because of scarcity high quality woods as a result of gradual deforestation, the MURONG posts are in position to be replaced by stone pillars. Under such circumstance, this traditional institution cant but undergoes some changes in its construction design and functional aspects. The Mising people no longer feel the necessity to spend the night at MURONG which is not compatible with the modern system of education. Moreover, still today MURONG stand as Misings Principal traditional socio-cultural institution of great importance.

*THE ALI AYE LIGANG: The sowing festival in Mising Society

The literary meaning of ALI AYE LIGANG stand for first sowing of roots and fruits in which ‘ALI’ stands for seeds. ‘AYE’ for Fruits in which ‘LIGANG’ for sowing. Lives started in the Mising people from time immemorial as agriculturist. Roots and fruits were their staple food of livelihood in the hills. Because of influence of Aryan culture in the plains their ways of living have been changing gradually and rice cultivation has become a part of their agricultural production. Whether jhuming or ploughing was employed. ‘AHU’ paddy was their principal product and such the oncoming of the ‘AHU’ and ‘BAU’ season is marked with the celebration of “ALI AYE LIGANG”. It marks the beginning of agricultural cultivation. Prayer, dance and feast are integral parts of festival. In the past, the date of celebration of ‘LIGANG’ was not a fixed one. Variation being depended on the convenience of the locality, their social structure and geographical situation as well. Because of the spread of education and touch with the modern civilization, the feeling of unity has come to the mind of Mising people. In 1956, an unanimous decision to celebrate the LIGANG festival was taken by Mising “NANE KCBANG” (Biggest Socio-Cultural and Economic organization). In the KCBANG the date to celebrate the festival was decided to be on the first Wednesday of the month of phagun. Which is considered an auspicious day. The Mising people believe the day as LAKSHMI day. And on that day the head of the family marks the sowing of seeds in their respective fields. The head man of each family goes to the field with a handful of seeds, a YOKPA, APONG, PURANG, TAKE, PEERO, SI-PAG, SI-PAG ONNO preferably carrying in a VGVN (cone shaped structure made of bamboo etc.). using YOKPA he clean a small patch of the land in the eastern part of the field and is decorated with the PEERO and SI-PAG ONNO in a square of a circular patterns (size about 2feet x 3feet). The APONG, PURANG, TAKE and SI-PAG are placed at appropriate places within the decorated area then the seeds are sown over the area and chant the forefathers ‘SEDI MELO, KARSING-KARTAG, DO:NYI-PO:LO etc. to bear witness the sowing seeds into the womb of mother earth for abundant crops, good harvest etc. After the chanting and the sowing of the seeds, they promise to share the harvest amongst the benefactors and the beggars. In this way- LIGANG starts and headman returns home. This is completed usually in the forenoon. In the daytime, the women get busy preparing APONG and PURANG. Both are essential items of LIGANG. The two varieties of APONG existing in the community are prepared (NOGIN and PO:RO) in sufficient quantities for guest and visitors. PURANG is the special inevitable item of LIGANG. The elders and visitors irrespective of age, sex and social status are served with PURANG, APONG and delicious curry prepared usually with fish. In this way feasting continues throughout the village. In the evening hours the head of the family again pray their forefathers including ‘KOJE YANGO (Goddess of fertility). After the feasting-merry making starts in the form of GUMRAG SO:MAN. GUMRAG SO:MAN is a combination of dance and beating of drums and cymbals. The Mising people believe that Lakshmi will satisfy and bless for good harvest if GUMRAG SO:MAN is performed on the LIGANG day. Hence it is basically an appeasing dance of the Goddess of fertility. People of the village young and old irrespective of sex can take part in the PAKSONG MOMAN (Dance Song). Usually the youth take the lead and dance follows the rhythmical tunes of the drums and cymbals. But the most characteristic feature of the GUMRAG in LIGANG is the wearing of woven dresses of the participating youths reflecting their culture self image and identity. The menfolk wear GONRO UGON, MIBU GALUK and DUMER and the womenfolk wear EGE, RIBI GASENG, GERO SEGREG etc. then the womenfolk with their fine movements enact paddy transplanting and harvesting in dance of the expressive drum beats by the young men. GUMRAG dance is accompanied by appropriate songs also. GUMRAG SO:MAN usually last the whole night. In some village house to house dance is replaced by single GUMRAG SO:MAN collectively by the village people. The villagers observe a period of abstinence from field works ranging fron one to three days and breaks it known a ‘YODLEN KUNAM’ by instituting a brief function calling upon the Forefathers. This marks the ending of ALI AYE LIGANG and the people start devoting their time in the field works of cultivation. The celebration of ALI AYE LIGANG not only reflect the socio-cultural identity of the Mising people, but also has a definite role in the cultural convergence with the greater Assamese society. At present, the educated Mising people living in cities and towns, use to celebrate the festival in town halls, auditoriums etc. inviting GUMRAG parties from different localities. With a great deal of enthusiasm. It signifies their feeling to focus other people enabling to understand the significance and importance of ALI AYE LIGANG.